In praise of boring politics
Northern Ireland's divided past is still a visible and tangible issue
WERE you gripped by the negotiations to devolve police and justice to the Northern Ireland Assembly, and complete the last element of the Good Friday Agreement? And, like me, did you feel the genuine historical importance of the moment?
I expect the answer to both those questions – if you’re honest with yourself – is no.
The fact is that for most people who live outside Northern Ireland, and even for a very large number of those who live in it, the protracted constitutional negotiations have become a bit boring. They had merely become a series of last-minute deals and displays of brinkmanship. Another summit, another castle, another agreement.
This is not a sentiment you’ll hear from often a politician, but I say ‘amen’ to boredom in the political process. That boredom was hard won.
I remember when Northern Ireland was anything but tedious. Wind the clock back only a few years and such a sensation would have been a blessed relief. Politics then was fascinating, but in a terrible and gruesome way. Some 500 people were killed in 1972 alone. Thousands of families were ripped apart by the tragedy of death or serious injury. Such a waste of young lives.
But we don’t need to look back that far to see the price of the Troubles. Over two-and-a-half decades later, when I was informed about the Omagh bombing, I would have done anything to be doing something mundane, instead of dealing with the devastation caused to so many families.
And even when it wasn’t the sectarian violence that held the attention, the spectacle of two communities, divided and implacably hostile to one another, made things anything but normal.
The build up to the Good Friday agreement was certainly not boring, but thankfully in a much more pleasant way. I remember working closely with Mo Mowlam, chairing hour after hour and round after round of negotiations, reporting back and forward, trying to find a way forward step by step and issue by issue.
We all knew then that it was the start of something, not the end, and so it proved to be, with the frustrations of the following decade as we tried to move forward, devolve power and ‘normalise’ the political and security situation.
It was slow progress at times, working to rebuild trust and resolve tricky, complex issues as they arose, with the Assembly often suspended. But the feeling was always there that the momentum was irreversibly in the right direction. The people of Northern Ireland, whose determination was the rock upon which peace was built, were overwhelmingly united by a desire to move forwards, not back to the past situation.
People sometimes ask why it took so long after the Good Friday Agreement was signed to reach the point we are at today. But if you think that, try to imagine being in the position of the people of Northern Ireland, and their politicians.
With over 3,500 people killed out of a population of around a million-and-a-half, the Troubles were not a distant problem to those working to build peace. Almost all of them knew or were related to someone killed or badly injured. And yet it was their responsibility to try to bridge the divide that had become so entrenched and build trust, in order for the politicians to be able to work together to govern Northern Ireland.
If you asked me to share power with a Tory, I would baulk at the idea. But, as far as I know, nobody from the Conservative Party has ever killed a member of my family. The politicians in Northern Ireland, by contrast, had the courage to accept that power-sharing, even with former sworn enemies, was necessary in order to have a peaceful, more normal future. I salute them for that.
The problems haven’t gone away. Northern Ireland is one of the few places in northern Europe where many people dread the summer, with the turmoil and tension that comes with its marching season. The peace walls are still there, and so are the signs and reality of division. And, more lately, we have been reminded of a small minority – committed men of violence – isolated yes, but armed with murderous intent.
But now the progress is there to see, too. You can see it in the skyline of Belfast, with new developments going up in a city previously bypassed by much large scale private investment. Or in the longer-term job prospects of younger people there, notwithstanding the recent difficulties caused by the global downturn. You can see it in the attitudes to the devolved government, where well over 80% of people – in both communities – want their politicians to work together. And in the cross-community support for policing – unimaginable only a few years ago. Perhaps most importantly, of course, you can also see it in the lives of young men and women no longer cut short by violence, as they once were so often.
And you can see it in the nature of the politics itself. Northern Ireland has many problems, many of which aren’t a million miles from those we have here in Wales. But before, they were elbowed aside by the constitutional debate. Now, the state of local hospitals, the economic recovery, roads, schools – all the things that dominate our everyday politics – are the mainstream agenda.
I hope that we’ll find that as those politicians and their constituents focus on improving their public services and the lives of people there, they’ll build relationships and continue to see their common humanity and common interests that exist between them all. It was always one of the great ironies, after all, that one of the friendliest groups of people that I have ever shared company with were dragged down by one of the least friendly situation.
The other great political dividend of the peace process is that Northern Ireland can now be run by Northern Ireland people. It was always an uncomfortable experience for me to be running services in Northern Ireland, taking decisions that I felt should be taken by the people who live and work in that place.
I would hope that the history books would look back on the peace process as one of the great achievements of this Government so far. To his credit, John Major started the ball rolling with the Downing Street Accord. But Tony Blair as Prime Minister took ownership of the situation, with a deep and personal commitment to finding a resolution. The new Prime Minister strained every sinew to get the parties talking, co-operating and working together.
I will always consider it to be the highlight of my political life to have played a part in reaching an agreement, first as Political Development Minister to Mo Mowlam during the Good Friday Agreement talks, and then as Northern Ireland Secretary. I was very proud to have worked alongside my good friend Mo Mowlam, whose political skills and force of character made a massive difference when she came into the job in 1997.
But there are many, many people to whom an even greater credit is due, from the likes of John Hume and David Trimble to the ordinary people of Northern Ireland, who chose the more difficult route to peace over the easy option of hatred and mistrust. It’s been a remarkable transformation, and is something that we perhaps sometimes take for granted. Now, with the last element of devolution in place, there is a real chance that normal politics will take hold irrevocably. We can’t be careless with it, and we shouldn’t imagine there won’t be further setbacks and stalemates. But you can’t help feeling that politics in Northern Ireland now has a fair wind, rather than the unpredictable gusts of the past 40 years.
Let’s wish them a normal, boring journey.
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Paul raises some incredibly important issues here, namely just how far Northern Ireland has moved since the peace process began, and how politics can bring polarised communities together. I remember reading a remark from a British general in the 1970s, who famously said: “Anyone who thinks they understand the problems in Northern Ireland doesn’t really understand the situation at all”. Amen to that, most of us would have thought back then. Look how things have changed. No, it’s not always been smooth, but it is incredibly heartening and the journey, I would submit, is politically the greatest achievement of both the Labour government and the previous Tory administration – although the real achievement lies with all of the people of Ireland.
I have long thought that, in this time of tension with parts of the Islamic world, both within our own communities and beyond our borders, we really need to look to the experiences and events that made peace in Northern Ireland achievable, to see if they can be applied elsewhere. As such, Paul Murphy gets my vote for a critical envoy’s role ahead of Tony Blair. However, knowing Paul slightly, I think there’s a fair chance he would politely decline, fearful that it might overplay his own abilities in this field. The rest of us would probably disagree.
A nice piece that – as Dunc says – reminds us of how much things have actually changed, and changed for the better.
The extent to which NI can continue to be governed on the basis of an agreement that, while absolutely the right thing to do, essentially institutionalises and legitimises sectarian politics is open to question. I wonder how far off, if ever, we might be from a “GFA mk II” that really does normalise politics, removing the requirement for cross-community consent and relying on simple majority consent. We are, after all, left with a system where political rivals are obliged to work with each other for reasons other than electoral arithmetic.
The other very long term question, I suppose, is what final conclusion there might be to NI’s constitutional status, if any. A fairly senior nationalist once told me that could see a day when it wouldn’t matter whether NI was part of the UK or part of Ireland since the borders would be fully open and the currency and many of the laws would be the same. I’m not sure if that will ever be the case, not least because politics in the south are still, to some extent, conducted on the basis of what happened in the civil war. But it is an interesting perspective nonetheless and it perhaps contains something transferable to the constitutional debate in Wales: what if we get to the point of independence only to discover it doesn’t really make any difference any more?
This piece neatly encapsulates the mammoth task undertaken by the key political figures in leading Northern Ireland forward from a past riven by intensely violent community rivalry to a future full of optimism and co-operation.
It is hugely encouraging that there is now an overwhelming majority very much in favour of the Nationalist and Unionist parties working together in government to deliver stability and security for the people.
Only on this basis can a new civil society settlement and strong economic growth deliver the much needed dividend to people in Northern Ireland.
With the difficult issue of policing now seemingly resolved, this is yet another encouraging milestone in progress towards a lasting peaceful settlement.
I feel the evident success of Northern Ireland has much to offer as an exemplar for resolving tension between communities in other parts of the world, such as the vexatious stand off between Israel and the Palestinian Authorities.
As to Duncan’s suggestion about a special envoy role on the international stage, I agree that Paul would be eminently suitable, given his key role in helping bring Northern Ireland to the threshold of peace.
Thank you for this piece.
I for one am always interested in NI politics, if a little annoyed that I can’t keep my finger on the pulse as much as I used to, being busy and all that!
But yes, devolving justice was historical for the North of Ireland, and I truly hope that this can be sustained, and that the Assembly can get on with the job of representing the people of the North.
Yes, I really hope that the MLA’s can spend their time doing the small things, like helping constituents with housing or enviornmental concerns as opposed to having to concern themselves with constitutional matters at every juncture.
My mother is from Belfast- moved away to live, to find a life away from the Troubles, so I understand a little bit about how people had to cope with bombs going off, with the threat of violence, with communities divided.
Things are not perfect still, and I’m glad Paul Murphy recognises that. Many communities are still divided, but there are those people working at a grassroots level who I met recently in Belfast, who are working with young people to bring communities together. A lot of that work was about their attitudes towards the murals on the walls, at the end of streets, and how this perpetuates the feelings of mistrust between communities that need not be divided anymore.
On Duncan’s point re learning lessons for the World, I am sure leaders and countries can learn from what has happened in the North of Ireland- from the negatives and positives. Some people may still not have appreciated the external intervention from some quarters i.e the British Government, but those same people respected the intervention of those like George Mitchell and the US administration. Its how it is done that makes the difference. Giving the people of the North of Ireland a say in their future was integral.
I would like to see a united Ireland personally, but as a Welsh Nationalist with Irish blood you would expect me to say that. I was, however, shocked at the British Irish Parliamentary Assembly that I attended in Swansea by the lack of interest by some, (and not all I hasten to add), Irish Republic politicians in the future prospect of a United Ireland.
I felt this lack of enthusiasm previously when I was the Youth organiser for Plaid Cymru, and met some youth members of Fianna Fail. It may be that they want to ignore the issue, or that they are content with the current arrangement, but now that policing and justice has been devolved to the North, you can bet that the United Ireland agenda will not be ignored by some political parties in the future…
Presumably the author will now be devoting himself to delivering real meaning devolution to Wales (control over the economy, policing etc)? He has clearly outlined some of the benefits it brought to Northern Ireland – despite the far worse position they stated from – so surely Wales would do just as well.
Given his wholesome praise for politicians from different parties working together and putting the nation’s interests ahead of their party’s, I’m surprised he hasn’t been more outspoken in his support for the One Wales agreement,
WC
The benefits PM outlined are the introduction of stability and the cessation of what was, in effect, a civil war.
Presumably you are not arguing these are benefits that need to be introduced to Wales – are you?
AH
No I was not suggesting that Wales needs to introduce stability following the cessation of a civil war – there has been no Civil War in Wales, or indeed any of the animosity and violence which have characterised Northern Ireland for decades.
I was referring to the fact that PM drew attention to the huge benefits (largely) which NI has gained from devolution
“But now the progress is there to see, too. You can see it in the skyline of Belfast, with new developments going up in a city previously bypassed by much large scale private investment. Or in the longer-term job prospects of younger people there, notwithstanding the recent difficulties caused by the global downturn. You can see it in the attitudes to the devolved government, where well over 80% of people – in both communities – want their politicians to work together. And in the cross-community support for policing – unimaginable only a few years ago. Perhaps most importantly, of course, you can also see it in the lives of young men and women no longer cut short by violence, as they once were so often.”
and questioned whether Wales would not also benefit from meaningful devolution rather than being ignored by the London government – especially given that we would not have to deal with the huge historical preblems which Norther Ireland faced.
In short I was asking why the author supports devolution within Northern Ireland – where there was a far greater prospect of it going badly – but (is at least widely percieved to) oppose it in Wales.
WC
Those benefits are the products of peace, not devolution.
I would agree that the new climate is due to peace and not the devolution process, and the analogy with Wales, as suggested by some above, is tenuous at best.
The majority of the community in Northern Ireland looked into the future and decided that it was necessary to move on from intolerance and the cycle of violence and towards a new beginning of tolerance and a culture of peace.
I’ll declare an obvious interest before commenting here, as I work for the author. But in a personal capacity…
A very clumsy attempt to make a point there WC. As and David and Adam said, apart from the obvious difference of there being no sectarianism or equivalent of the Trobles that needs resolving here in Wales, thankfully, another difference is that a Northern Ireland MPs could never be Ministers in the NIO – so they were de facto ruled by people from outside, whereas we had Welsh Ministers of our own.
Paul has talked about the benefits of devolution many times, including in an interview for this very site – about the benefits of improved accessibility and accountability. Any attempt to create an anti-devolution straw man out of Paul is wide of the mark – he’s played a huge part in making devolution a success, both in NI and Wales.