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Johnny Ball might be helpful in examining a tricky mathematical and political problem

Johnny Ball might be helpful in examining a tricky mathematical and political problem

LAST FRIDAY I was disappointed not to have been able to attend the Institute of Welsh Affairs conference on living under a Conservative government. This, of course, is a highly topical matter and one which will continue to exercise many minds in coming months. Carwyn Jones has already indicated that it is at the forefront of his, and urges voters to resist this possibility.

Over on the Institute of Welsh Affairs blog site, John Osmond has helpfully provided some of the content of the debate. The blog says:

What will the Conservatives’ commitment to downsize the House of Commons by 10 per cent mean for Wales? Yesterday the IWA’s conference Life Under the Tories heard that it could mean the number of Welsh MPs dropping by far more than 10 per cent, in fact by nearly half, to 22. Devolution expert Professor Robert Hazel, Director of the Constitution Unit at University College, London, is undertaking a study of the Conservative’s emerging policies on the constitution and believes this is a serious possibility. He told the conference that the cut would be calculated on the basis of a “devolution discount”.

Because the workload of MPs in Wales, Scotland, and Northern Ireland is now so much reduced, and because the devolved nations are over-represented in Westminster anyway, serious consideration is being given to reducing their numbers by a greater amount than 10 per cent. Reducing MPs at Westminster by 10 per cent would cut their overall number from the current 650 to 585. If Wales’s 40 MPs were reduced in proportion it would mean they would drop from today’s 40 to 36, back to where we were in 1979 (due to boundary changes the number of Welsh MPs increased to 38 in the 1983 election and 40 in 1997). However, Professor Hazel believes the Conservatives are thinking in terms of the devolved nations having their representation cut by considerably more to reflect the fact that they have their own Assemblies and Parliament. For Scotland he suggested there could be a cut from 57 to 40, for Northern Ireland from 18 to 12, and Wales from 40 to 22.

A Change of Personnel takes up this issue, as does my friend Glyn Davies on his blog. Glyn goes further and sets out a series of principles which he thinks should form the basis of future representation:
- A 10% reduction in Welsh MPs as part of a general reduction across all parts of the UK.
- Equalisation of the ratio of electors to MPs, though allowing some weighting for sparsity and anticipated population growth.
- A reduction in the number of MPs from areas where devolution has occurred as part of a “devolution discount.”

Since the second and third points are diameterically opposed, it is impossible to agree with both of them. Glyn sets out his stall in support of the first two principles but not the third and, in commenting on his post, I signal broad agreement with this. As a naive old democrat I have long believed that constituencies across the UK should be broadly of the same population size. I have always thought it wrong that urban seats generally require fewer voters, which certainly tends to discriminate against the Conservatives. Further, although it might not be popular, I also believe it wrong that Welsh electors are over-represented too, there being an in-built bias to Wales and other smaller parts of the UK in terms of the average number of voters when compared to England. It takes political guts to take this issue on honestly and openly, and I commend the Conservatives for doing so.

But where the logic and respect end is the ridiculous suggestion that a “devolution discount” be implemented. Quite where this latter element arises is beyond me, because other than in the chatter of politicos I can find no reference to it being advocated as a serious possibility. Has Robert Hazell heard it suggested in a more serious way or is this just scare mongering? Either way, Nick Bourne AM and Cheryl Gillan MP need to rule this silly idea out as soon as possible.

And while they’re it, they can put David Davies MP right, too. As the BBC also reports, the vocal tribune of anti-devolution has been on his soap box again and said:

“The more powers Wales develops and the closer to independence it gets the harder it will be justify large amounts of English taxpayers’ money being given to the Welsh assembly. There are obviously going to be public spending cuts throughout every area of the public sector. That’s going to happen whether we have a Labour or Conservative government. There’s no point in shying away from that because we are borrowing at a rate of £200bn a year and we are not going to be able to get the money for much longer. But there’s no reason to fear specific cuts in Wales providing of course we don’t go any further down the route to independence.”

Since the only people talking about independence today, tomorrow or any time soon are Plaid Cymru, the SNP and True Wales, including David Davies himself, it might be sensible to dismiss this as another obfuscation. But on second thoughts there is an issue here which needs tackling. David Cameron has already declared that his party will not block the move to a referendum on Part 4 powers of the Government of Wales Act – and I believe him and his party on that.

But is one of his MPs now suggesting that if Wales has the temerity to vote Yes in that referendum that they would have gone “further down the route to independence” and should therefore be financially penalised? It all sounds a bit like blackmail to me. And hardly helps the Welsh Conservatives position themselves in readiness for an honest debate on this issue.

Sort it out, Nick and Cheryl, because if you don’t then this sort of myth-making will be a real problem for you for the next six months.

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4 Comments

  1. I challenged Glyn on David Davies on another post – his answer is interesting “You have to judge to what extent any political representative speaks for the party, or just for themselves. I have not heard anyone else make similar statements. I accept that I’m but a candidate, but no-one asked me for my opinion. I would not have suggested that granting law making powers to the National Assembly in currently devolved areas would have any effect whatsoever on Wales’ financial settlement, and I would be surprised if David Cameron, Cheryl Gillan or Nick Bourne would differ from that opinion. What I notice is that those who wish to paint the Conservatives in certain colours tend to ask the opinions of those who will oblige. I judge accordingly.” So he is certainly dismissing David Davies.

    I think A Change of Personnel makes some salient points and may be puts forward some interesting thoughts; Glyn as ever is pragmatic.

    It may be wise of the Welsh Tories to be a bit more visible and lay out a stall of policies and intentions in Wales. This last year since Nick Bourne’s accident abroad, and the portfolio incident, there doesn’t seem to be much going on with them.

  2. ValleysMam, I’d dispute there doesn’t seem to be much going on with them – there has been a lot of action lately around positioning for a referendum.

    The main problem they have though is who actually speaks for them. When it was just the Assembly group, there was more clarity. With MPs come more exposure but which is the authentic voice? Unless clear lines are established and people are told to stop throwing verbal hand grenades around, then this problem will continue and deepen.

    As I say, “Sort it out, Nick and Cheryl, because if you don’t then this sort of myth-making will be a real problem for you for the next six months.”

  3. The Barnett consequentials mean that there will be a reduction in the Assembly budget because both the Tories and Labour have to reduce the £175 billion UK budget deficit after the election. Those cuts will have nothing to do with whether Wales votes ‘yes’ to further law making powers in a referendum. Today the Scotsman argues that the £12 billion in cuts proposed by Gordon Brown will lead to a reduction in the Scottish government’s budget of £1.2 billion. Rather than whistling in the dark and hoping that somehow Wales will be except from this, sensible AMs should be debating where the changes in the Assembly’s expenditure patterns should be made. Wales will be hit hard whoever is in power in Westminster because of the size of the public sector. The leaked Treasury paper on how other countries have overcome fiscal deficits already gives some indication of the thinking of Treasury civil servants. According to the FT, they want it tackled in a single stroke ‘with a comprehensive reform package concentrated on cutting spending,not raising taxes.’ Except in the area of benefits, where the spending cuts will fall in Wales will be the responsibilty of the Assembly. The Treasury study showed that many countries used the financial crisis to introduce much needed reform in the public sector which eventually led to improved service delivery. To achieve this of course you need public officials who are prepared to be innovative and politicians with the courage to support innovation and take on vested interests. Just sticking to the One Wales agreement is not what is required as the Assembly starts to prepare for the first of a series of difficult budgets in 2010/11.

  4. Do they propose to apply the ‘devolution discount’ to London too? After all it has it’s own Mayor and Assembly who control or influence a range of policy areas – including the Metropolitan Police. Surely the Tories cannot be proposing to apply their ‘devolution dividend only in those devolved parts of the UK mainly represented by non – Tory MPs? To do so would be blatant gerrymandering!

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