Why are you discussing the developments in Scots devolution in relation to the proposed referendum? current Scottish style powers are not on the table, let alone any tax varying powers or Independence, which may or may not pass to Edinburgh. discussing the 2 issues together in this way simply confuses the matter.

I wouldn’t object to paying tax to the Assembly, provided that it is instead of (rather than in addition to) the tax currently paid to the tresury in London.

Like everything else in devolution it boils down the fact that there are fewer AM’s than MP’s and they are far closer to home – this makes them more accountable, or to put in more colourfully “we can keep our eye on the b*****s!”. For this reason I believe they would be more careful with our money.

The problem with a referendum centredon the flawed 2006 Act and the Jones -Parry Commission is that the debate regarding devolution in the UK is moving on because of events in Scotland. It is clear that the government is suggesting that Scotland has some form of revenue raising powers after the UK election. Even the Tories have nothing to lose by supporting this. This would mean that any new initiatives by the Scottish Parliament would have to be costed because they would involve increased taxes for those who benefit namely the Scots. It is easy to introduce free care which now costs 70% more than predicted if the bulk of the money comes from South of the border. Exactly the same argument should apply to Wales. As Paul Griffiths argues this week in a very interesting contribution to the debate full law making powers would stop people hiding behind the claim that they lack the power to do anything. By the same token you can’t have real accountabilty if you do not have some form of tax raising powers in my opinion. Although Tony Blair was criticised at the time for comparing the new Scottish Parliament to a community council;what he was really saying was ‘what’s the fuss about tax raising powers when every community council can raise taxes from its residents.’ You really can’t ,once full law making powers are introduced, have a situation where I pay a tax directly of £50 a year to Maesteg Town Council but nothing to the Assembly. Only few weeks ago an Assembly Committee argued that sport and culture should become statutory functions of local government. Perhaps they might have thought twice if such a policy involved a tax increase to finance it.Mature political institutions as the Richard Commission recognised are also tax raising institutions.

For many supporters of a’ ‘yes’ vote the referendum is already in the bag and any attempt to delay it is seen as part of a plot to derail devolution. They would argue that all that needs to happen is for voters to be asked the simple question of whether they wish to move from Part 3 to part 4 or do you wish Wales to have the same powers as Scotland. Yet questions framed on the above lines are fraught with danger. How many people would even know what Part 4 entailed for a start? What happens if the White Paper suggests revenue raising powers for Scotland. Should Welsh voters be asked if Wales should have the same powers? It is far more complex than many enthusiastic yes supporters realise.

It could also be argued that Plaid supporters of a yes vote are also being disgenuous in their support for Part 4 of the 2006 Act. This isn’t their preferred option for the future of Wales. That option is obviously complete independence. It be could be argued that since Salmond wants the Scottish people to be given the chance to decide on independence, why isn’t Plaid making the same argument in Wales?

As someone who lived through both the 1979 and 1997 referendums, I just would not like to predict the result of any referendum if it was held in the near future. I know the Western Mail today has highlighted the You Gov poll which shows a large majority for ‘yes’. But can anyone take a poll seriously that suggests a 93% yes vote in Cardiff and a no vote in North Wales?

In 1979 and 1997 all the polls were suggesting that the yes vote would win by a large majority. In 1997 the key factor in the successful yes vote was the support given by enough traditional Labour voters for the policy of newly elected Labour government. The fact that the Tories were opposed was an added bonus. Politicians such as Peter Hain and Huw Irranca-Davies are committed to devolution. They are genuinely worried about the timing of any referendum because of the fear that if held at the wrong time it could set back devolution by a generation. In 1997 the Labour Party focus groups were telling a very different story to the opinion polls.

I just don’t get the feeling that outside the political elite there is any great interest in a referendum. Yesterday, Assembly politicians from all sides also didn’t exactly inspire confidence. A great deal of work has to be carried out in my opinion before anyone can be certain of result in any referendum. Rather than arguing about the timing the real work should be to set out the case in concrete practical terms of how lawmaking would improve Welsh society.